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Yes, the Khmer Rouge regime exhibited strong ethnonationalist tendencies, contributing to the Cambodian genocide.
Here's a breakdown of how ethnonationalism was evident in their rule:

1. Extreme Khmer Nationalism:

The Khmer Rouge idealized the ancient Angkor Empire and the Khmer race, promoting a sense of Khmer supremacy and a desire to restore Cambodia's past glory.
They viewed Cambodia as being threatened by historical enemies, particularly Vietnam and Thailand, and their allies, fueling a xenophobic form of nationalism.

2. "Purification" and Ethnic Cleansing:

Driven by a vision of a pure Khmer society, the Khmer Rouge sought to eliminate anything deemed "impure" or foreign.
This involved persecution and violence against various groups, including:
Ethnic minorities: Particularly the Cham, Vietnamese, and Chinese.
Religious groups: Buddhist monks, Christians, and Muslims were targeted.
Educated elites and intellectuals: Doctors, lawyers, teachers, and even those who wore glasses were deemed enemies.

3. Forced Khmerization:

The Khmer Rouge aimed to force cultural assimilation, requiring minorities to abandon their distinct cultures and adopt Khmer language, customs, and names.
They banned cultural practices, religions, and languages aside from Khmer, further suppressing minority identities.

4. Propaganda and Fear:

The regime disseminated propaganda that portrayed minorities as threats to Khmer purity and national security, fueling hatred and violence.
They instilled fear and paranoia, creating a climate of terror that allowed them to maintain control and carry out their policies.
In conclusion, while the Khmer Rouge espoused communist ideology, their extreme Khmer nationalism and policies of "purification" and ethnic cleansing clearly demonstrate strong ethnonationalist elements in their regime.

AI Overview

The book "The Cleanest Race" argues that North Korea's ideology is rooted in far-right politics, not far-left or communist principles. The author, Richard Myers, suggests that North Korea's Juche ideology is a facade, designed to mislead foreigners, and that the true ideology is more akin to Japanese fascism.

Here's a more detailed explanation of Myers' arguments:

Xenophobia and Militarism:

Myers highlights North Korea's xenophobic nature, citing incidents like the mob attack on Afro-Cuban diplomats and the forced abortions of mixed-ethnicity children.

Decline of Communist Ideology:

The author points out that the 2009 North Korean constitution omits all mention of communism, further suggesting a shift away from Marxism-Leninism.

Racist National Identity:

Myers argues that the North Korean government uses racist criteria to define national identity, portraying genetically Korean citizens as morally pure but weak, requiring leadership from charismatic figures like Kim Il Sung.

Japanese Fascism Influence:

He draws parallels between North Korea's ideology and Japanese fascism, suggesting that it's not rooted in Marxism-Leninism or Neo-Confucianism, but rather in a form of right-wing nationalism.
In essence, "The Cleanest Race" posits that North Korea's governance is characterized by a far-right ideology masked by communist rhetoric, with xenophobia, militarism, and a racist view of national identity as key features.

The founders of the school of thought out of which Fascism has grown all have certain common characteristics. They seek the good in will rather than in feeling or cognition; they value power more than happiness; they prefer force to argument, war to peace, aristocracy to democracy, propaganda to scientific impartiality. They advocate a Spartan form of austerity, as opposed to the Christian form; that is to say, they view austerity as a means of obtaining mastery over others, not as a self- discipline which helps to produce virtue, and happiness only in the next world. The later ones among them are imbued with popular Darwinism, and regard the struggle for existence as the source of a higher species; but it is to be rather a struggle between races than one between individuals, such as the apostles of free competition advocated. Pleasure and knowledge, conceived as ends, appear to them unduly passive.

For pleasure they substitute glory, and, for knowledge, the pragmatic assertion that what they desire is true. In Fichte, Carlyle, and Mazzini, these doctrines are still enveloped in a mantle of conventional moralistic cant; in Nietzsche they first step forth naked and unashamed.

Leading defense analysts say that the Houthis' latest attacks are Tehran showing what it is truly capable of

https://www.jpost.com/middle-east/article-852625

https://nicecrew.digital/objects/2a6633b7-c336-4bde-8fc3-49cd271dec8a

... beyond our comprehension.