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Today Henry came over, and he, Bill, and I had a long
talk. Henry is heading for the West Coast tomorrow, and he wanted to help Bill fill me in on the developments of the past year before he leaves. Apparently he will be engaged in training new
recruits and handling some of the Organization's other internal functions in the Los Angeles area, where we are especially strong.
When he greeted me he showed me the Sign, and I knew that he had also become a member of the Order.

In essence, what I learned today is what I had already concluded in my prison cell: the Organization has shifted the main thrust of
its attacks from tactical, personal targets to strategic, economic
targets. We are no longer trying to destroy the System directly, but
are now concentrating on undermining the general public's support
for the System.

I have felt for a long time that this change is necessary. Apparently two things forced Revolutionary Command to the same
conclusion: the fact that we were not recruiting enough new members to make up our losses in the war of attrition against the
System, and the fact that neither our blows against the System nor the System's increasingly repressive responses to those blows were having any really decisive effect on the public's attitude toward the System.

The first factor was mandatory. We simply could not keep up our level of activity against the System as our casualties steadily mounted, even if we wanted to. Henry estimated that the total number of our front-line combat troops for the whole country- those ready and able to use knife, gun, or bomb against the System-had declined to a low point of about 400 persons last summer. Our front-line troops make up only about a fourth of the Organization's membership, and they have been suffering a greatly
disproportionate casualty rate.

So, the Organization was forced to de-escalate the level of the war temporarily, while we still preserved a strong enough nucleus for another approach. Our whole strategy against the System was failing.

It was failing because the great bulk of White Americans were not responding to the situation in the way we had hoped they would. That is, we had counted on a positive, imitative response to our "propaganda of the deed," but it was not forthcoming.

We had hoped that when we set the example of resisting the System's tyranny, others would resist too. We had hoped that by making dramatic strikes against top System personalities and
important System facilities, we would inspire Americans
everywhere to initiate similar actions of their own. But, for the
most part, the bastards just sat on their asses.

Sure, a dozen or so synagogues were burned, and there was an overall rise in the level of politically motivated violence, but it was
generally misdirected and ineffective. Without organization such
activities have little value, unless they are very widespread and can
be sustained over a long period.

And the System's response to the Organization irritated many people and caused a lot of grumbling, but it didn't even come close to provoking a rebellion. Tyranny, we have discovered, just isn't all
that unpopular among the American people.

What is really precious to the average American is not his freedom or his honor or the future of his race, but his pay check. He complained when the System began busing his kids to Black schools 20 years ago, but he was allowed to keep his station wagon and his fiberglass speedboat, so he didn't fight.


He complained when they took away his guns five years ago, but he still had his color TV and his backyard barbeque, so he didn't fight.

And he complains today when the Blacks rape his women at will and the System makes him show an identity pass to buy groceries or pick up his laundry, but he still has a full belly most of the time, so he won't fight.

He hasn't an idea in his head that wasn't put there by his TV set. He desperately wants to be "Well adjusted" and to do and think and say exactly what he thinks is expected of him. He has become, in short, just what the System has been trying to make of him these past 50 years or so: a mass-man; a member of the great, brainwashed proletariat; a herd animal; a true democrat.

That, unfortunately, is our average White American. We can wish that it weren't so, but it is. The plain, horrible truth is that we have been trying to evoke a heroic spirit of idealism which just isn't there any more. It has been washed right out of 99 per cent of our people by the flood of Jewish-materialist propaganda in which they
have been submerged practically all their lives.

As for the last one per cent, there are various reasons why they
aren't doing us much good. Some, of course, are too ornery to work within the confines of the Organization-or any organized group; they can only "do their own thing," as a number, in fact, are. The others may still have different ideas of their own, or they simply
may not have been able to make contact with us since we were forced underground. Eventually we could recruit most of these, but
we no longer have the time.

What the Organization began doing about six months ago is treating Americans realistically, for the first time-namely, like a
herd of cattle. Since they are no longer capable of responding to an idealistic appeal, we began appealing to things they can understand: fear and hunger.

We will take the food off their tables and empty their refrigerators. We will rob the System of its principal hold over them. And, when they begin getting hungry, we will make them We will rob the System of its principal hold over
them. And, when they begin getting hungry, we will make them fear us more than they fear the System. We will treat them exactly
the way they deserve to be treated.

I don't know why we held back from this approach for so long. We have had the example of decades of guerrilla warfare in Africa, Asia, and Latin America to instruct us. In every case the guerrillas
won by making the people fear them, not love them. By publicly torturing to death village leaders who opposed them and by
carrying out brutal massacres of entire village populations which
refused to feed them, they inspired such terror in neighboring villages that everyone was afraid to refuse them what they asked.

We Americans observed all this but failed to apply the lesson to ourselves. We regarded-correctly-all those non-Whites as mere
herds of animals and were not surprised that they behaved as they
did. But we regarded ourselves-incorrectly- as something better.

There was a time when we were better-and we are fighting to insure that there will be such a time again-but for now we are |
merely a herd, being manipulated through our basest instincts by a
pack of clever aliens. We have sunk to the point where we no longer hate our oppressors or try to fight them; we merely fear them and attempt to curry favor with them.

So be it. We will suffer grievously for having allowed ourselves to fall under the Jewish spell.

We stopped wasting our resources in small-scale terror attacks and shifted to large-scale attacks on carefully selected economic
targets: power stations, fuel depots,transportation facilities, food
sources, key industrial plants. We do not expect to bring down the
already creaky American economic structure immediately, but we
do expect to cause a number of localized and temporary
breakdowns, which will gradually have a cumulative effect on the
whole public.

Already a sizable portion of the public has been made to realize
that it will not be allowed to sit back and watch the war on TV in
safety and comfort. In Houston, for example, hundreds of
thousands went for nearly two weeks without electricity last
September. The food in their refrigerators and freezers quickly spoiled, as did the perishables in their supermarkets. There were
two major food riots by hungry Houstonians before the Army was
able to set up enough relief stations to handle everyone.

In one instance Federal troops shot 26 persons in a mob trying to
storm a government food depot, and then the Organization got
another riot started with the rumor that the emergency rations the
government was handing out were contaminated with botulism. Houston isn't back to normal yet, with most of the city still subject to a staggered six-hour-a-day power blackout.


In Wilmington we put half the city on the dole by blowing up two
big DuPont plants. And we turned the lights off for half of New
England when we knocked out that power-generating station just
outside Providence.

The electronics manufacturer we hit in Racine wasn't very big,
but he was the sole supplier of certain key components for other
manufacturers all across the country. By torching his plant, we
eventually caused twenty others to shut down.

The effects of these actions are not decisive yet, but, if we can
Keep it up, they will be. The public reaction has already convinced
us of that.

That reaction can certainly not be considered friendly to us, on the whole. In Houston a mob took two prisoners-suspects arrested
for questioning in one of the bombings-away from the police and tore them limb from limb. Fortunately, they were not our people-
just two hapless fellows who were in the wrong place at the wrong
time.

And the conservatives, of course, have redoubled their squawking
and cackling that we're ruining all chances for an improvement in conditions by "provoking" the government with our violence. What the conservatives mean when they talk of an "improvement" is a Stabilization of the economy and another round of concessions to the Blacks, so that everyone can return to consuming in multiracial comfort.

But we learned long ago not to count our enemies, only our friends. And the number of the latter is growing now. Henry indicated that we have increased nearly 50 per cent in membership
since last summer. Apparently our new strategy has knocked a lot
of spectators off the fence-some on our side and some on the other.
Perceptive people are beginning to realize that they won't be able
to sit this war out. We are forcing them into the front lines, where
they must choose sides and participate, whether they like it or not.